Bases Law: behind the scenes of a vote that draws the political ring of 2025

Bases Law: behind the scenes of a vote that draws the political ring of 2025
Bases Law: behind the scenes of a vote that draws the political ring of 2025

Eduardo “Wado” De Pedro spoke, hours before the session for the Bases Law, with Edgardo “Turco” Kueider, senator from Entre Ríos and one of the Peronists from the Frente de Todos who facilitated the quorum and approved, almost from end to end tip, the law sent by Javier Milei. In that last trip, De Pedro probed the chance that Kueider would reverse a decision he made the day he signed, in dissent, the LLA ruling.

With the vote consummated, the traitor was connected in Peronism. It was activated with Kueider, whose distance from UxP has been going on for a while. The man from Entre Ríos complained about the accumulated mistreatment. “You were never able to have a coffee with Cristina. Now Villarruel calls him and consults him,” a leader linked to Kueider told Cenital. “With that vote, the Turk decided to retire from politics,” said a Peronist who was in detail about the saga.

The terminal warning refers to the fact that Kueider’s term as senator ends next year and that, with his vote in the Bases Law, he eliminated any chance that he could have a place on the Peronist legislator lists in 2025. “(Gustavo) Bordet is deputy and will head the list of senators. Kueider could have been offered to head the deputies,” said a prominent UxP leader and pointed out that there could have been malpractice in the loss of that vote.

“There was no way to convince him to do anything else,” completes the source and anticipates something that will be verified hours later: a decree signed by Milei, Diana Mondino and Luis “Toto” Caputo for the province of Entre Ríos to appoint three members of the Salto Grande Mixed Commission. The text was published last night, shortly after the vote, in the Official Gazette and fueled speculation that it could be a “political payment” for Kueider’s vote. Cabotage, compared to the proposal for Lucila Crexell from Neuquén to be ambassador to UNESCO in Paris. Milei debuted, in the Senate process, in the political trade of laws.


In practice, Kueider and Carlos “Camau” Espínola from Corrientes were decisive supporters for the approval of the Base Law. With a mandate until 2029, and connections in Corrientes that would allow him to reach an agreement even with his rival, Governor Gustavo Valdes (UCR), Espínola moved alongside Kueider and broke his ties with the Peronism of UxP. Hours after the vote, María Teresa García and Máximo Rodríguez, interveners of the PJ of Corrientes, asked that “Camau” be expelled from the party. The threat of Peronist exile did not alter the senator. It was announced, on Wednesday, that Espínola will have the power to appoint one of the directors of Yacyretá.

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For Milei, those two votes were gold dust: they allowed the ruling party to reach 36 endorsements and tie the vote in general and in several chapters in particular. In the center, with a high rotation marquee, Victoria Villarruel broke the tie. She was the anti-Cobos. It was the natural behavior of a vice – the anomalous thing was the one from Mendoza – but she allows him a display in the face of suspicions, which are stirred from time to time in LLA, about her conversations with Mauricio Macri. Some dinner, even, in a country in Tigre that, it is stated, is rented by a collaborator of the vice president and in which PRO leaders would have participated.

Guillermo Francos, with the power to tweak the project, and Villarruel wove a strange scheme. In this puzzle, not only were the two former UxPs decisive: Martín Lousteau facilitated the quorum but voted against. He could play off the fatigue and the feeling of an unresolvable tie, but it was seemingly extravagant behavior: allowing a law in which he was against core aspects to be discussed, with the semi-certainty that it would be approved. Lousteau’s no positive vote was decisive.

He seemed conditioned, according to a JxC representative, by being president of the UCR. For the partisan Guinness: the highest authority of a party has an antagonistic position to that of the legislators of that party. With nuances, the rest of the radical senators – as happened before, in Deputies – supported, almost without cracks, the official project. Mistreated by Milei, the Bases vote showed Lousteau with a sinuous transit: very oppositional but, at the same time, facilitator of approval. In 2025, his term as senator ends and the vote on the Base Law could be the moment to choose in which political hemisphere – opposition or pro-government – he wants to stand for next year’s competition.

Too much of an opponent to rearrange JxC with the – very pro-government – ​​PRO of Jorge Macri, too pro-government to build an armed center that converges, as theorized in some laboratories, with sectors of non-campaign Peronism. It is missing, of course, but 2025 begins to draw an ultra-polarized electoral scenario, a deja vu of 2017, where third forces end up swallowed by the crack.

Not negative

There were other key actors. The Fuegian Pablo Blanco, very critical of the Government and the laws of the ruling party, became an essential pillar in 36-36: he was part of the scrum that validated the libertarian projects. As happened with Lousteau, Blanco, Guadalupe Tagliaferri (PRO) from Buenos Aires and Maximiliano Abad (UCR) from Buenos Aires were more exposed because, in the previous round, they raised many differences and in some mathematics they appeared as possible rejections. Lousteau and Abad voted against several chapters of the Base Law. The Buenos Aires native appears in a territorial trap: in the province of Buenos Aires, although the format is not defined, the PRO and LLA are moving towards trying to come together in an electoral agreement where the UCR does not seem to have a place nor, perhaps, interest in participating. .

At midnight on Wednesday in the PJ, in addition to Kueider and Espínola, there were complaints about other senators: the Santa Cruz residents José Carambia and Natalia Gadano. Aligned with Governor Claudio Vidal, they fell short of the quorum that Lousteau ultimately guaranteed and then voted against in general for the 36–36 that Villarruel defined. However, later they were absent/abstained in a large part of the voting in particular when if they had maintained the similar vote in the general one, it would have contributed to several chapters – which came out 35 to 35 – falling. These non-negatives also helped entire sections of the Milei Base Law survive.

“They stayed in the middle: they voted against us and then abstained,” explained an LLA source, very late, regarding the Santa Cruz residents. In UxP the complaint was about abstentions. Vidal seemed to play both sides: being in the photo of rejection but not taking that rejection so far as to break essential parts of the Base Law to Milei.

The political alchemies, the give and take, were, mixed with gross concessions – maintaining the pension moratorium, reactivating public works, not privatizing Airlines and the Post Office – allowed Milei to advance with Bases and leave, at 3 AM, for Europe with the certainty, transmitted by Francos, that the file will pass without a hitch through the Deputies. If this procedure is verified, in two weeks it will have its first law. It is not the one that Federico Sturzenegger created: it is the one that Francos was able to get so that the government could present a law. Almost regardless, as Santiago Caputo confessed, what the Base Law is.

Nor, at that point, does Milei seem to care about how.

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