Paralyzed by the electoral result, the CGT remained silent. After quickly releasing statements repudiating the statements of the elected representative Lilia Lemoine and in favor of Israel in the war against Hamas, within hours of the closing of this column the union center He did not express himself about the libertarian triumph and the definitions of Javier Milei.
The impact was enormous. A handful of Cegetista leaders were present last night in the official bunker after a day of elections that puts unionism in a scenario of uncertainty.
They arrived at the UxP headquarters last night Pablo Moyano, Héctor Daer, Gerardo Martínez and Jorge Solaamong others.
Of the co-owners of the center, Daer was the only one who went up (or Malena Galmarini made him go up) to the stage where Sergio Massa acknowledged defeat (they placed him behind the Tigrense). The criticism from Cegetist sectors is that throughout this time he played very “personally” and generated a strong distancing from his historical allies.
Pablo Moyano It reflected a face of confusion in the pro-government forces, concerned about personal issues, between the internal family and the symbolic nature of the judicial cases.
AND Carlos Acuña, and its reference Luis Barrionuevowill have a separate chapter in the official path that they announced.
The CGT in the Milei era
With this panorama, the current CGT’s days are numbered, where criticism and passing of accounts will abound. The gregarious support towards an ruling party did not have its own agenda throughout the entire government of Alberto Fernández. What will be the agenda during Milei’s government? The million dollar question.
There is no doubt that in the world of work the scenario will be one of conflict: labor reform, labor trials, privatizations of public companies, changes in customs policy, and things that we do not imagine (or do not want to imagine). We go to a strong impact on the world of work where leaders will have other challenges that they have not had in this dimension for 25/30 years. How are your muscles? You have to be in shape for this race.
Along these lines, last night Milei sent a message, not exclusive, but that impacts the union sector: «I want to say the following to all of them, everything is within the law, nothing is outside the law. In this new Argentina there is no place for the violent and those who break the law to maintain their privileges. “We are going to be relentless with those who want to use force to defend their privileges.”
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The president-elect announced what the response will be to the signs of resistance that unionism can give in the streets. The CGT has not yet commented. Nor did he do so in response to Milei’s definitions this Monday regarding the confirmation of the privatizations of public media, state companies and YPF.
With a weak union representation in Congress, Mario “Paco” Manrique He will be a representative of a sector, with a profile that will have many contradictions with his union and its activity. The automotive industry needs and is regulated by state policies. It is a political definition and will have to balance with those interests. Will you take the lead in the demands of the rest of the sectors? He is the current union secretary of the CGT.
The labor movement is beginning to go through a critical moment that will either have a fragmentation with more combative spaces and others for dialogue, or it will go into a great debate with a clear agenda and unity. But there would be little doubt that a scenario will be generated for a Ubaldini or a Moyanist MTA. Many think and want that scenario, the most combative.
A central element that today generates a tactical problem is the lack of political reference within Peronism. Some push for Massa’s leadership. Until the PJ resolves it, unionism will have a wavering compass.
The CGT decision board will meet in the next few days to evaluate the results and the steps to follow.
The Work area in the Milei government
President-elect Javier Milei has already announced that he will reduce the labor portfolio to a national secretariat that will depend on the new Ministry of Human Capital. Gustavo Morón would be the man designated for the area, with experience in the macrismo and with experience in the Superintendency of Labor Risks.
Morón maintains links with Jorge Triaca, former Minister of Labor of Mauricio Macri and a man of dialogue with unionism, who would become one of the links with the unions. In that scenario, leaders quickly revived some conversations with the former official. Many will once again seek ties with those sectors. But it is a new ruling party that will impose an agenda that will compromise the union leadership in a different way.
The industrial and state unions, attentive to the first announcements, will be the ones who will have strong social pressure. This will undoubtedly impact new challenges and internal issues that come to the surface in this type of scenario. Many leaders are grown up and a scenario like this puts them in a very uncomfortable place.
The decision of the Argentine worker is clear. The majority of workers opted for a model that Milei was responsible for explaining in the last two years. In terms of power struggle, she did it without territory. She will assume the presence without mayors or governors of her own. He won the presidency without the traditional apparatus, a situation that subverts the dispute in the structures and that collaterally transmits a message and a change of era also in union activity.
