Support for Javier Milei of atomized politics, but with demands on management

Support for Javier Milei of atomized politics, but with demands on management
Support for Javier Milei of atomized politics, but with demands on management

May Pact: behind the scenes of Javier Milei’s photo with the governors

The friendly governors will have another gesture towards mercyafter having contributed votes for the Bases law and the fiscal package. They will give political volume to a symbolic actwhich over the weeks also turned to modest objectives: it aims more at calming the markets than at becoming a local Moncloa. The race is to make ends meet, no longer a decalogue of the Argentina of the future, of the Argentina of power.

The most critical Peronist leaders, such as the Buenos Aires native Axel Kicillof, Rioja native Ricardo Quintela or Tierra del Fuego native Gustavo Melella. The only opposition member who has been intransigent so far and will wear the black jacket in the Garden of the Republic will be the Gerardo Zamora from Santiagowho did not contribute any support, either from deputies or senators, to the Government’s projects.

Another one who did not plan to attend, like the Pampas Sergio Ziliottopointed out that he never received the invitation to wear the dark suit anyway. And he said that the pact that must be fulfilled is already written: the National Constitution.

For example, the ten points that the attendees will sign are axes that do not cause discomfort, either because they are included in current legislation, because they are generic declarations of good intentions or because they are unpredictable policies. Who knows.

For example, point six mentions the modification of the co-participation regimewhich would require, according to the constitutional reform of 1994, the consent of all the provinces. Almost impossible, because to give to one you have to take from another. Unless all assignments are of the Nation, and that will never happen.

The exploitation of natural resources proposed in point seven is more complex: Mendozathe last province that wanted to modify the mining law with the agreement of the entire provincial political spectrum, had to back down due to the lack of social license. It is a job that goes in another direction, nothing to do with signatures from the top.

Perhaps the most disruptive point is number three, as it celebrates the reduction of public spending. “around 25% of the Gross Domestic Product”The leaders will lay the hook, perhaps blushing, since up to now the chainsaw is causing havoc in employment, economic activity and industry. Other points are just empty words that do not commit anyone who signs them: a “useful and modern” education, labor reform that “promotes formal work.” Nobody would say no.

There are no common demands

In the final preparations in Tucuman to welcome Javier Miley an awkwardness arose: There will be a musical show in Plaza Independencia where Los Palmera and Chaqueño Palavecino will play.

They will not go for the love of freedom (damn it!), but for a fee, like any professional artist. The fees will be covered by the Governor Osvaldo Jaldo, the first provincial leader of the Mileístabut there were no questions from the President, who until not long ago hit hard on his networks the leaders who hired shows for local celebrations, under the paradigm of public spending. soap opera with Lalithe most resonant case.

The Presidency did not make a sound, and the only request that reached the province was that the speakers and stage lights be turned off by 9:30 p.m., as the deadline. They do not want a crowd in the center of Tucumán for the time of Javier Milei’s arrival. One thing is the public that comes to cheer the President. Another very different thing is to gather people who are going to cheer for the Santa Fe cumbia. They are different loyalties.Better safe than sorry.

In the era of praise for individual freedom, governors are showing off. A relief for Freedom Moves Forward (LLA)who negotiate one by one. They will be in Tucumán to support the reforms that the Casa Rosada is undertaking, but they will begin to demand more efficient management and resources for the provinces.

The signal that many of them intend to give at the Tucuman event is that they have no intention of the Government doing badly, perhaps in the worst weeks of the libertarian semester, where LLA He lost control of the board of which he prides himself as an expert: that of the markets and finances. A collapse is no good for anyoneespecially since a large part of the attendees agree with certain fundamental issues of the macro stabilization plan. But, in concrete terms, there are no longer homogeneous positions.

Some leagues survive, more as labels than as a scrum to raise common demands. At the regional level, the Great North It disappeared with the arrival of Milei at Balcarce 50. It was the most dynamic group in the previous administration, and combined Peronists, radicals and provincialists who fought to correct asymmetries.

The Patagonians emerged in the summer with a rebellion that bordered on separatismbut with the debate of the law Bases was atomized. Although cross-contacts remain, the Republic of Patagonia is diluted and visits to the Casa Rosada are individual. Perhaps, the closest to a joint demand was the one that arose at the summit of the Central Region for the financing of the non-transferred pension funds, but there are only three governors: Maximiliano Pullaro (Santa Fe), Martin Llaryora (Cordoba) and Rogelio Frigerio (Entre Rios).

At the party level, the so-called league of Together for Change It is closer to changing its name than to maintaining the reminiscences of the UCR-PRO society. However, beyond what this circle is called, the ten leaders of this group have internal differences, including their positioning regarding the libertarian phenomenon. The only thing in common is that they value the agreements for works that they signed with Guillermo Francos and that, from now on, the link will be tied to results.

Peronism disarmed between electoral defeats in the provinces and those who quickly left the bloc to have a direct connection with mercy. In the group mentioned above, to whom is added the Formosa native Gildo Insfransupport the theory of a rearmament of the PJ that takes into account the vision of the provincesand they analyze that the internal issue is a Buenos Aires issue. La Cámpora does not fit in the interior.

There will be intransigence, and they are also looking at the economy, especially to take care of small payments. A governor of that group pointed out that the openings of Cambiemos caused the loss of two thousand jobs in four years, and in the six months of Milei, ten thousand were lost. “That is to say, Milei’s six months were five times more harmful than Macri’s four years,” he complained.For them, the May Pact is simply a personal staging by the President, which they are not willing to support.

In these rearrangements, the most salient political event of the week occurred in the PRO barracks, where Mauricio Macri blew up the idea of ​​a merger with LLA and slammed the door in Patricia Bullrich’s face. A return to hardline Macriism to avoid being partners in a possible defeat, but without gains if Milei is right and steers the ship. Despite the distancing, Macri will go to Tucumán.

The other relevant episode of the last few days was the official arrival of Federico Sturzenegger to the cabinet. We will have to wait and see how the other internal conflict plays out now: that of the libertarians and that of the tensions within the Government.

Although that will be after Independence Day, the Los Palmeras show, the signing of the May Pact and the Copa América semi-final.

 
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