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Javier Milei moves in a sea of questions. He still does not know if he has the necessary votes to pass the economic laws in the Senate, the tools to stop the crisis in Human Capital or the expertise to dismantle the circumstantial majority that the toughest wing of the opposition put together to mark the field for him from the Congress with initiatives that threaten the sustainability of the fiscal balance, its obsession.
With that backdrop, Milei postpones sensitive definitions on the official power structure. For example, you must still specify what powers and how much artillery capacity will have Federico Sturzenegger when his promotion in the Cabinet is made official. It is assumed that the presentation of the former head of the Central Bank will serve as the starting point of a kind of relaunching of the Government, once Milei manages to approve the Bases Law and the fiscal package.
The President revealed last Tuesday that he plans to meet with Sturzenegger to negotiate the terms of his promotion in the Cabinet. But in the Casa Rosada it is not clear if the movement will be imminent or what functions or scope Sturzenegger will have in his future position. The president’s collaborators only give generic answers. Strictly speaking, the economist and his scrum of attendees They need to have a “pen” and a place from which to move forward with the implementation of the deregulation of the State, the economy and commerce – once the basic law is issued – and promote a future set of “two thousand or three thousand reforms”, according to Milei, which would include “anti-caste” or “anti-caste” advertisements, in Sturzenegger’s terms.
The negotiations to promote the economist are stagnant and the roadmap has not yet been drawn up. In fact, in recent days the possibility has gained strength that Sturzenegger will finally fall to a secretariat with Ministry rank. Thus, the cumbersome administrative path to create a ministry would be avoided. “Javier needs it to give more strength to the Cabinet. And at this moment no leader wants to enter management; There is fear of being within reach of a decree because there are no agreements”comments a faithful member of the libertarian organization.
Since returning to the country after his last tour of the United States, Milei tests his leadership abilities. Not only does she face a first major crisis situation, due to the scandal in the distribution of food, but she dYou must balance so as not to open another internal one in your Cabinet team with the promotion of Sturzenegger.
How much power will you give to the “colossus“, as Milei called Mauricio Macri’s former official, to the detriment of “rockstar“Caputo?” Will a possible double command cause short circuits? They are two key figures in the President’s ecosystem who had friction in the traumatic experience of Cambiemos and already collided in the Milei era, for example, in the discussion over the reversal of the increase in prepaid. Furthermore, Sturzenegger was one of the main promoters of the idea of eliminating the regime of industrial promotion of Tierra del Fuego, which Caputo did not touch because he considered it an “acquired right.” The reformist ambition of Pro’s liberal economist once again became entangled in the cobwebs of politics.
As stated THE NATION days ago, Milei imagines a kind of modernization portfolio, similar to the one he held Andres Ibarra with Mauricio Macri, without taking control of cash from Luis “Toto” Caputowhom he considers a national hero for closing the fiscal hole.
In this context, yesterday he resigned Alejandro Cosentino, Secretary of Innovation, Science and Technology, who made himself available to collaborate in the transition. The Government’s idea is to split the area of Science from those of Technology and Innovation. In the Government there are also doubts regarding the mysterious agreement that Milei explores with Google to use an Artificial Intelligence program in the State. More questions.
Those who know Sturzenegger know that he will fight to have executive power and that he admires, for example, the functioning of the Australian Competition and Consumer Commission. “You are going to need an agency or secretariat with superpowers or delegated powers. He wants to deregulate commerce, review Senasa or educational issues. “These are projects that affect most ministries,” says a leader who worked with him and knows his plan. Sturzenegger believes that in Argentina there is a set of sectoral interests – unions, industrialists, the State bureaucracy and the beneficiaries of social plans – that hinder development.. In recent years he promoted reforms in the pharmaceutical industry, the fishing industry and the health system. It promises to reduce the bureaucratic burden that weighs on companies or citizens.
In this framework, it is unknown whether Sturzenegger will remain in charge of areas such as Defense of Competitionwhich depends on the Ministry of Commerce, under the orbit of Caputo, or with the ravioli of the extinct Ministry of Infrastructurethe portfolio that “Toto” absorbed after the departure of Guillermo Ferraro. In the ruling party there is also uncertainty regarding the future of the Secretariat of Territorial Development, Habitat and Housing, since Milei promotes a plan to replace public works with private initiative to cover the infrastructure deficit, a crucial aspect for economic development. Sturzenegger intended to review the supplier registry and make more open tenders.
“There is still nothing confirmed or denied. These are things that the President has to define. We will see with what format we can collaborate”acknowledges an official who frequently speaks with Sturzenegger.
In the ranks of LLA, meanwhile, they relativize the chance that Milei will transfer the Secretary of State Companies and Companies to Sturzenegger, who was in charge of Mauricio González Bottoa fired man Nicolas Posse. Now him privatization plan will be in the hands of Diego Chaherauditor of public media and bishop of Santiago Caputo. “Federico was ideal to enter public companies, due to his experience at Banco Ciudad”laments a friend of the economist, who before the campaign repeated that Argentinian airlines It had to be given to the employees.
Sturzenegger, who has rejected the idea of dollarization, also differs with the anarcho-capitalist vision of Milei and Santiago Caputo, guardian of the libertarian narrative. While the former official is committed to an efficient administration of the State, Milei and Caputo yearn to dismantle it.
“Each one defends his country,” comments an important ally of the Government who frequents official offices. However, those who spoke in recent hours with Sturzenegger did not notice him worried about Milei’s delays or eager to disembark as minister. “It is Javier who is rushing because he wants to strengthen the Cabinet,” suggests an LLA all-terrain operator.
Since he set foot in the Casa Rosada after Milei’s promotion, the former head of the BCRA has walked the corridors of power without losing a single halo of mystery. Was the architect of the controversial DNU 70/23 and part of the omnibus law with which Milei tried to inaugurate his administration. His men entered and left the negotiations with the dialogue opposition – the picturesque conclave near La Biela; and they move stealthily through the Casa Rosada. Nobody knows for sure what office or office they occupy.
While waiting for definitions, Sturzenegger and his team are working, under strong secrecy, on regulations to deregulate and make the economy “efficient.” For example, he introduced them to the President and Sandra Pettovello an “idea” to carry out emergency food distribution in the face of the scandal in Human Capital.
Sturzenegger is convinced that No economic plan is viable if resources are not drained from the status quo. That is the leitmotiv of his return to public office. For this reason, Sturzenegger insists that Milei must deepen the disarmament of the “quintas” in the State that drain resources from the economy and attack the source of financing of the unions. For example, he was outraged when he heard about the tourist regulations in force in La Plata. He is not only united to the capital of Buenos Aires by his university past and his affection for the Gimnasia club. He also has a family tie: his sister Alejandra is in charge of the Tourism entity (Ematur) with the arrival of the Kirchnerist Julio Alak, successor of Julio Garro. A blood link with the “party of status quo“, as he calls Peronism.
