The case of the new false firms factories gives lights on a traditional practice, which should not be overlooked. The dozens of parties involved add up to hundreds of thousands of signatures. And they are more than those seen in television reports.
Even more false signatures
There are repeat matches. Already before, in the 2022-2023 period, the RENIEC had detected that 17,466 signatures of the 53,592 presented by first people were not skilled. And of them, up to 5,201 signatures had been made by the same fist.
There are also other repeat offenders. Even in the sphere of the so -called traditional parties. In 2024, the RENIEC detected that, of the new 10,000 chips presented by Popular Force, some 2,040 came from the same fist. The same year, of the 12,524 signatures presented by Somos Peru, 1,960 came from the same fist. Something analogous with Avanza País (1,503 signatures of 11,251) and the PPC (970 signatures of 32,000). This confirms two things: that there is a historical pattern of behavior and that the RENIEC does have (or should have) the power to detect counterfeit signatures.
To that we must add some atingencies. Of the 300 homes attended by the Latina and fourth power reporters, they only obtained clear answers in less than half, either because no one answered the call or because no one was at home. In addition, it should be added that the RENIEC has only limited himself to analyzing about thirty matches, excluding those who have just registered and that filter has not passed. Due to the workload, only some new matches have been able to be passed by the full review, such as Peru Federal (3,720 of 27,000) and I do believe (1,356 of 43,397). Finally, it must be stressed that the RENIEC has only reviewed a representative sample. A third of the signatures presented by each party, as is tradition. The conclusion falls as mature: the falsified signatures are many more.
Look: these are the registered political parties that total more than 60% of false firms detected
Empty and legal sanctions
Although they are part of the same electoral system, the ONPE, the RENIEC and the JNE do not share the same organic base of informative databases. If one presents their planillions before the JNE rop, these firms do not pass previously through the RENIEC. To do this, a normative reform should be previously implemented. Under the argument of the autonomy and independence of these three organs, it is forgotten that the three belong to the same electoral system and that they should work together to guarantee the democratic system.
The manual record of affiliate signatures has not changed significantly in fifty years. Recently, the incorporation of the biometric registration in the process was proposed. This power was in the field of JNE until 2019. In 2024 an agreement was signed with the RENIEC that allowed that reform. And only in March this year, Congress approved in the first instance a bill signed by the RENIEC to incorporate the biometric registry.
Having already convened the general elections of 2026, the parties involved cannot even be suspended. However, there could be the option to initiate a legal process that sanctions those responsible for the 2026 subnational elections in two instances.
At the same time, it would not be bad to boost a citizen campaign. Reward with the vote one of the 11 games that have not presented false signatures. And electorally punish everyone else. Incidentally, it would be a good way to reduce the absurd list of political parties in the race. A list that, as we see, has an apocryphal origin.
Until 2024, there have been very few undue disregards. The JNE demands that an application for disinings be sent first. Then, the signer must report before the Prosecutor’s Office and demonstrate later, in a judicial process, that the firm is false. A cumbersome process that will make this case anything.
Factories in my time
Gone were the times when Óscar Medelius used state money to falsify signatures for the Fujimorist relections. As recalled, the congressman was sentenced to eight years in prison and s/5 million civil reparation for establishing a signature factory for the registration of the fujimorist movement we are neighboring in 1998. This fact allowed the re -election of Alberto Fujimori in 2000. From that factory, José Cavassa also came out, involved in the falsification of signatures in the planillions of Peru 2000. Expertise A Podemos and the white necks of the port. At the time, the parliamentary majority saved Alejandro Toledo from the vacancy for another case of false signatures, this time as possible, the first party of the then president.
Today, it would be unthinkable to use state money to set up a notary, to establish a signature factory there and thus be able to register a single party at the service of a dictatorship. Today, that service has been outsourced, the know how It has been massified, costs have been cheaper and the market has diversified. Judging by the reports presented in Latina and América Televisión, now the work is done, the client is contacted by the offering, the network includes connections in all electoral institutions and is even paid for the tools.
After his extradition and prison, Medelius, already deceased, walked his expertise for various matches, being related to both Humala and Martín Vizcarra. It is not surprising that it has been dedicated to the heading of construction mafias. Apparently, too much competition had already come out in the field of falsification of signatures.
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