On May 2, the German Federal Office for the Protection of the Constitution determined that Alternative for Germany (AFD) meets the requirements for classification as an extremist ultra -right party. In response, Marco Rubio (Secretary of state of US President Donald Trump) defended the AFD and denounced the decision as an act of “covert tyranny.”
Like the speech that the American vice president J. D. Vance pronounced in February at the Munich Security Conference and the vehement and repeated support of Elon Musk to the European ultra -right, these attacks confirm that the United States is no longer an ally of Europe, but has become its adversary. Trump has not only given signs that he is willing to leave Ukraine at the mercy of Russia, but also openly seeks to destroy the social, ecological, economic and democratic model of Europe.
Trump’s goal is to create an authoritarian and anti -liberal world order. He wants to dismantle the democratic state of his country; forge transactional alliances with the main illiberal regimes of the world; and create an impregnable American strength establishing American sovereignty over Canada, Greenland and the Panama Canal. And to achieve this, it does not rule out the use of force. That Ukraine falls into the orbit of Russia is no problem for him, because he applauds the return to a world of great powers with “spheres of interest.” All these objectives raise geopolitical, economic and security challenges to Europe.
Some Europeans cling to the hope that this breakdown of transatlantic relations will be temporary, and that the 2026 legislative election or the 2028 presidential put things in their place. But it would be very risky to base the European strategy on that idea.
Any shyness in Europe’s response to Trump’s aggression will only be emboldened. Like the Russian President Vladimir Putin, Trump only believes in the struggle for power and in “the law of the strongest.”
In addition, Trump’s ability to permanently incline the United States towards autocracy (quite the opposite of European values) is greater than many thought. In fact, we attend a fast “putinization” of American politics.
The antieuropeism of the Trump administration does not come out of nowhere. The United States takes a long time with an eye on Asia and trying to disconnect from Europe. It was revealed by President Barack Obama’s decisions for not opposing firm resistance to Crimea’s Russian invasion in 2014 and not enforcing the “red line” that he had drawn, when Syrian President Bashar Aassad used poisonous gas against the citizens of his country.
Although American support to Ukraine during the presidency of Joe Biden put a brake on this trend, it was insufficient in relation to what the situation demanded. And it was evident that the decoupling of Europe would continue after it. Long before Trump’s re -election in November last year, I had already concluded that all probability, Biden would be the last really Atlanticist president. For many Americans, NATO looks more and more as a remnant of past times.
What can Europe do? In the first place, we must give a forceful response to Trump’s trade war and not yield to its extortion in relation to our regulation of megatecnological. We have in fact a dangerous dependence on the United States in relation to digital technology. That should change: we have to try to reduce risks as we do with China. But the United States also depends on Europe. The European Union still constitutes a fifth of world consumption, and becomes more important for US companies that face a loss of access to the Chinese market.
Secondly, Europe must endlessly seek strategic sovereignty in the areas of defense and high technology. Reports abound regarding what needs to be done. The necessary investments will demand an important volume of resources, and therefore, new emissions of paneuropea debt. (Unlike the NextGeneu Fund, the return of the debt must be guaranteed with new resources of the entire EU).
Thirdly, we must approach other related countries that have suffered Trump’s aggressions: Japan, South Korea, Canada and Australia. The victories of Mark Carney and Anthony Albanese in Canada and Australia, respectively, show that the West will not be delivered to the new Iiberalism. We have to create a G6 (a G7 without the United States) and build a totally European defense architecture that includes countries such as the United Kingdom and Norway.
Fourth, we have to approach the global south, to relieve Trump and Putin pressure and to preserve multilateralism. But for this, important changes will be needed. We will have to get away from immigration policies based on an idea of ”fortified Europe” and the permissiveness that we have shown towards the ultra -rightist government of the Israeli Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu. For tolerating the intolerable in Gaza, we have lost most of our moral authority.
Is it realistic to declare the independence of Europe with respect to the United States? After eight decades of close alliance, it is understandable that Europeans have a hard time getting used to an American president who acts as a Russian dictator. The necessary changes will undoubtedly resistance in some EU countries that are politically aligned with Trumpism.
It will also be difficult for the European Commission, which in recent years has shown a systematic tendency (and to some extent negligent) to align with the United States in all issues. Happily, the recent statements of the new German Chancellor Friedrich Merz suggest that one of the most traditionally atlanticist countries in Europe includes the new challenge we face.
The European Popular Party and the national forces that integrate it must also cut the attempts to congratate themselves with ultra -right populists who are totally aligned with Trump and Putin. The European Centrodesch parties have to return to traditional alliances with social democrats, liberals and green to make a common front against Trump.
Independent to Europe in the United States will not be easy. But if we do not act right now and with decision, an unfortunate future will be cited about our social and democratic model.
Josep Borrell was a high representative of the European Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, Vice President of the European Commission, President of the European Parliament and Minister of Foreign Affairs of Spain.
Copyright: Project Syndicate, 2025.
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