The promoters of La Libertad Avanza never tire of saying that whatever happens with the Bases Law and the fiscal package in Congress “the president has plan b, c and d.” That is the message that is directed outside the Casa Rosada, but in particular the one whose main recipients are its own legions. Those that act 24 hours a day like a very well-oiled clockwork mechanism, and that libertarian cybernetic priests call “digital territoriality.”
A central gear of government communication, but in any case, a few hours ago it had its first technical failure. We are referring to the weak point that exposed the impossibility of counteracting the massive street mobilization in the Federal March for Public Education, which exceeded everything established in the manuals of the official virtual world and fell badly in the most important office of the Government House.
Even so, despite the setback and in order to deny the rumors, the staunchest defenders of the head of state in Balcarce 50 declare that “many believe that Javier is impulsive, reckless, however they show that they do not know him, because in private “He is calmer than they think,” and they add: “Look how they underestimated him and yet he is here, without legislative structures or political groups with mayors, much less with governors.”
What is demonstrated by the network measurements that the top presidential advisor, Santiago Caputo, constantly observes, maintains that people are bad but trust the Government because “everything bad that may exist today is better than everything bad before,” commented one high source of the liberal libertarian front line.
In the offices of Balcarce 50 they know that except for the five or six members of the small Mileista table, anyone is in the presidential crosshairs. The climate of fear that surrounds the halls of the government palace certifies the feeling. Every day there are rumors of layoffs and cuts that encourage nostalgia for “how good we were when we were bad,” commented a House worker whose salary was frozen and liquefied by administrative decisions that eliminated overtime that inflated pay slips with very poor basics that They have been around for decades.
From the street to the Rosada
“When the bad weather from the street sneaks in here, where you are in a privileged place, things are serious,” says one of the historic employees at the headquarters of the National Executive Branch. A sector of the civil service that is integrated into the logic of systematic and permanent adjustment does and signs what they are told, a minority resists and leaves positions to which they were appointed a few months ago. Adorni’s “The Eternal Chainsaw” was celebrated by the hard core of the Government but not so much among those looking towards next year’s midterm elections.
“A good part of the adjustment, which we do not hide, has already been done and we are not ashamed to say it, there are four more months left,” said one of Karina Milei’s trusted men, who still feels discomfort, particularly with Emiliano Yacobitti, the vice-rector. of the UBA, who was warned by intermediaries that “there are no more sacred cows” and that with the audits carried out by the AGN “all his jobs will end.”
Tuesday’s march filled the Plaza de Mayo and brought together the “ghost train” of figures from the recent past, according to the official view. But in LLA they know that it exceeded the university students, part of the UCR and Kirchnerism. Credit: Reuters The thing is that Milei’s closest collaborators affirm in on: “We are not going back,” and add in voiceover that “this government is coming to change this system of privileges, from which no one is exempt, not even the media or its journalists.” The list of enemies and objectives of the central administration is as vast and ambitious as the DNU for deregulation of the economy, as well as the omnibus law project.
Rejection of Kirchnerism
The basis of support for LLA continues to be the rejection of Kirchnerism, the same pro-government acolytes proclaim it when they have the opportunity. One of them celebrated the return of Cristina Kirchner to the lectures, because she reasoned that “it is enough to contrast them with the four governments that she was part of for her to delegitimize herself.” Also, as Milei did publicly, he was grateful that it was Kicillof (and not another governor) who agreed to be put in the ring. “If they are the devil, we are God,” he argued in view of the 2025 legislative elections.
See alsoKirchnerism puts pressure on the Bases law seeking to complete the rejection of the mega DNU The libertarians knew in advance that the disenchanted campers who now deny their former boss and Máximo Kirchner had begun to forge ties with the president of the province of Córdoba, Martín Llaryora. Quick of reflexes, they configured the idea of a great national agreement under the label of the May Pact in their territory to commit it to the cause that proposes to liberate the productive forces without prudence or safeguards. Calling Axel K. a Soviet is another way of inviting him to confront them and their internal adversaries, who are not few.
The voice of Andrés “Cuervo” Larroque accusing his former comrades in the struggle that they are up to something strange if they do not support the Buenos Aires governor on the way to 2027, is music to the ears of millenarians, and confirms, in the opinion of government strategists, that they are well on their way.
Bases and agreement
“If there is no Base Law there is no May Pact” they maintained in La Rosada since negotiations restarted for this second attempt to convert the libertarian governance plan into legislative regulations. But it is clear that if the two emblematic processes were diluted in the future of differences, there will be only one person responsible for Balcarce 50; It will be politics, which will have before it an unspoken adjective that always describes it as “bad.”
More than confronting a force and its allies, what Javier Milei does is capitalize on the discredit in which the leadership corporation has placed the democratic system, and in particular its most sensitive muscle, which is Parliament. It is true that Milei allies himself with a sector of the political, judicial, business and media caste. “Yes, but he does it in a pragmatic and temporary way,” argue his most intense supporters, who use the same explanatory logic when they talk, for example, about the return of the fourth category of the Income tax or the need to have to regulate increases. indiscriminate price increases in prepaid bills, food and medicines.
“They are exceptional and short-term decisions in the context of the inheritance received,” they quietly express from the Treasury, while the objective of releasing the exchange rate does not materialize due to reasonable doubts and costs that the LLA management does not want to face. , even less so when he knows that his mistakes feed on that red circle that is always a friend of the champion, but never of those who fall from grace and suffer the affliction of premature dispower.
