The administration of the Cordoban State, headed by Martín Llaryora, is going through real and objective difficulties: the contribution to the Retirement Fund is zero and, although there is a promise to normalize the flow, there is no certainty about the date. Anses should assume half of the local pension red, which is equivalent to almost 30% of current expenses. It is not too different from what happened to Juan Schiaretti, who received 1,070 million pesos per month without updating during his last four years in office and ended up taking the claim to the Supreme Court of Justice, without the Court giving any signs of resolution so far. want to solve it.
Insecurity continues to be an extreme concern for the citizens of Córdoba, who practically assign full responsibility to what the Córdoba Police do or do not do. The Public Prosecutor’s Office, which is the one that must carry out the criminal prosecution of the crime, nor the judges with Zaffaronian DNA, who abound in the local Justice Department, do not appear on the radar. What’s more, Llaryora himself instructed “full harmony” with Patricia Bullrich on this issue, in an attempt to amalgamate with someone who is today one of the officials with the best image in Javier Milei’s team.
It is likely that Córdoba will take advantage of the little public work that remains in the hands of the Nation or at least manage to accelerate the transfer procedures: the national secretariat is the Córdoban Luis Giovine, former head of the Provincial Energy Company (Epec). , with a close relationship with Fabián López, Minister of Infrastructure and Public Services. The good news will have more to do with management skills than with the size of the funds to invest.
Cordoba blender
What appeared to be a gigantic difficulty was resolved without too many setbacks: the Province allocates 70% of its resources to the payment of salaries and pensions, so the rate of indexation of this enormous mass of money is key to the survival of the coffers. local. In the first quarter of 2023, Córdoba’s public salaries adjusted 31%, against an inflation in the period of 51.3%.
Retirements go through the same blender, in addition to the solidarity contribution scissors that affects 15 thousand beneficiaries. Not even the Trotskyism of Capital’s UEPC made a dent: the national “no money” was skillfully used by the Province, almost without paying a political cost: the blender and the chainsaw seem to be for the exclusive use of Milei, when reality shows that It is not like this.
The suspension of the transportation fund and the teaching incentive gave a boost to Llaryora’s adjustment, although in fact this measure represents only 10% of what the governor ended up liquefying. It is also true that revenue fell, but only 50% of inflation was transferred to salaries, when income fell 20%.
The big difference between Llaryora’s times and Schiaretti’s is that the Córdoba electorate turned around when speaking in national terms. “The people of Córdoba forgive him anything,” the governor usually says privately in reference to Milei. As if, suddenly, the “pituquitos of Recoleta” did not cause the same rejection as when Alberto and Cristina were there.
The State that is needed
Llaryora chose to stop referring to “the peace of the cemeteries” and changed to “the difficult recession that we have to go through.” She no longer speaks of “discrimination against Córdoba” but of the “effort that the provinces are making.” The governor finds it incomprehensible that people want adjustment. In his Peronist codes, this explicit claim is absurd, even though he, without saying so, adjusts as much or more than Milei.
Perhaps what Llaryora does not fully understand, unlike his predecessor Schiaretti, is that the climate of the times changed. The former president is a true right-wing Peronist in economic matters, willing to cede management to third parties, convinced of the engine that private capital represents. “As much market as possible, as much State as necessary,” Schiaretti repeated as soon as he was in charge. It is an ideal mold for the Córdoba spirit, which encourages the first part of that premise to the extreme.
Llaryora’s recent support for the “base law”, after the confrontation last January that cost the Córdoba too much in terms of popular support, is not decoded as genuine by the local electorate, but forced by circumstances. The thing is that, deep down, Llaryora is most enthusiastic about the second part of Schiaretti’s apothegm: “As much State as necessary.” Or however I decide.
