Argentina is very difficult. The PASO, the first round, the Acassuso Pact, the “yes or no” and voila: Javo president. “It connected with his time, it occupied a vacant space”, aha, how interesting, tell me more.
And here we are. Stunned by the speed and apparent lack of logic of events, we live the paradox of this very transparent reality (“principle of revelation”) in which, however, the little arrows that should unite our premises, hypotheses and conclusions are lost as in the Bermuda Triangle. We demand pragmatism to accept the facts, we understand that the situation is extremely precarious and we prefer not to add fuel to the fire. We quell our fears by thinking that we really, really want to have a little fiscal balance and economic stability; how much you want and in exchange for what, well, let’s see.
Of course there is also the thorn in the side, and what would be the point of ignoring it (acceptance, magnanimity?): the guy who brought us the epic of adjustment and alignment with the United States and Israel (the one who is screaming at the West to wake up, that the bad guys wear on us, and he’s right!) is the same one who started as a panelist, the Bad Cow, master of his domains and brutal critic of everything Cambiemos. Before the chainsaw, there was a grinder applied with zeal and persistence specifically to us. The point is that the guy broke us and the truth is that we made it quite easy for him: from 2021 to now JxC was a monument to the creole duck, and its scattered remains are not having a particularly bright 2024. We leave it there.
It is more or less accepted that the guy was a joke that remained, a massist test balloon that went too high, an invention that burst the inventor.
In any case, it is more or less accepted that the guy was a joke that remained, a massist test balloon that rose too high, an invention that blew up the inventor, a crazy guy with various traumas who gathered sponsors because he gave ratings, a candidacy cooked up in the corridors of the canals and in the barbecue areas of those who never finished smoking Mauricio. Maybe we have a complicated country because our elites are even more so: they can’t quite agree on what they want and what they really like, and that that works in some way for the rest of us. Argentina is difficult, there is no doubt.
Without Acassuso, would Massa win? Without Acassuso, Milei won, but the Minister of Economy was Carlos Rodríguez? We will never know. Javier may be a libertarian, anarcho-capitalist or a minarchist, but he is neither completely insane nor completely stupid, quite the opposite: like at those luxury used clothing fairs, he took an inexpensive cabinet at a gift price, because with the What he had we gave it to each other in the pear. We all knew about the chainsaw that it wasn’t going to work, that the adjustment to the “political caste” represents a tiny percentage of the national accounts. She was then a blender, especially in retirement.
Where else, if not? Remunerated liabilities cannot be defaulted just as future dollar contracts could not be defaulted, trout debts for fictitious imports cannot be defaulted because the SIRA theft cannot be completely laundered. Nor can it be openly recognized that these systems in Argentina are not a bugbut a feature. If you knock them down, the entire system falls like dominoes. The good Lacunza, with barely a slight reprofile of the bonuses, caused giant waves of moral scandal. Needless to say, when he said that we were all subsidized. Unforgivable. But in Argentina we all throw stones without being free of any sin. It is very difficult.
That’s where we are, then, in the retirement blender, with some chainsaw in the State and another some deregulation, waiting for the V, the U or the green shoots. And yes, they are the rules. Nobody complained when Kirchnerism brought in millions of guys without contributions, there were no marches against the oversizing of the State, they don’t exist here or on Mars. And there they go then, Peronism and the UCR in alliance (we will see if circumstantial or permanent) to throw him to Javo and unplug the blender. Direct blow below the belt of the fiscal surplus, the only anchor left so that the balance is maintained and the creditors of all the dead that remained finish accepting their Bopreal. Welcome to politics, Javier Milei.
If you went to the Cúneo program, if you marched with Moyano and voted to reduce profits, if you came because Argentina is that difficult and crazy, now stop the fluff.
You asked for it a little bit, Javo. If you went to the Cúneo program, if you marched with Moyano and voted to reduce profits, if you came because Argentina is that difficult and crazy, now stop the fluff. The Base Law and the DNU are very nice, but if what you wanted was to govern with Toto, with Sturze and with Pato, perhaps there were better alternatives than breaking JxC. It was going to take longer to get there, you might even spend years stagnating like subse in the GCBA and with little chance of being “the mole that annihilates the system from within.” You wanted to go the fast route: if we kill each other, we kill each other. Understood.
Finally, is the Milei project something radically new in Argentina? In many ways it may be, but the history of recent decades may show some similarities and constants. The last two successful political projects for a considerable period were Menemism and Kirchnerism, and Milei’s is similar to them in more ways than one. The three were fruits of the audacity of guys who took center stage coming from the margins of the political system, three boys who read their historical moments and they saw her. All three came to the presidency in the midst of and because of terminal economic crises. Menem accepted the early handover of the government in exchange for the retreating radicalism approving all of his “base laws” for reform of the State. He immediately liquefied with Rapanelli’s hyper and confiscated with Erman’s Bonex, and only after two years did stability arrive. For Kirchner it was even easier: he arrived almost by default in that kind of open internal of the PJ, when the implosion of the political system, convertibility and default had already done a good part of the dirty work for him. Remes Lenicov weighted asymmetrically, Lavagna sealed the corralón, another enormous liquefaction was consummated and the retirees lost as in the war, quietly, without a word.
Well, of these three, Milei is the one who arrived the fastest and without a clear possibility of getting on the Peronist bandwagon, which used to be “the party of order”
