What is politically important would be that in the end Milei negotiates like any politician. In February it had been the other way around. He threatened to eat the boys raw, he couldn’t and left the court in the middle of the game. They had approved half of the thousand articles of the omnibus law. But in the discussion of each article they wanted to lower it further, He felt like he was still campaigning and kicked the board.
“To get a bad law out, I prefer it not to come out,” he strutted. Now she negotiated. He won a victory that cost him much more. If he hadn’t been offended in February, I would have had a better law. Tests: six delegated powers had been approved. Four remained. Worse with the companies to be privatized: they went from 27 to only 3, eight if you count the five that you can partially sell. Be that as it may, there you have the Bases law and the Tax Reform cooked up in Deputies, with a pass to Senators and an uncertain ending.
That in the end half of the law came out is no surprise. Neither for the government nor for the people who still care about the laws. That is to say, she continues to be interested in the country, for herself. The surprise has to do with a tax, or rather with an unimposed tax, that of tobacco that Tsar Pablo Otero dribbled with extensive complicity so as to, doing another Great Cristóbal López, keep a good part of the cigarette market handling it with politicians and judges who are friendly and friendly in the Afip.
Three short titles three in this story. 1) Milei includes the tax in the law. 2) Part of the opposition forces him to remove him. 3) Another part of the opposition votes to recover it. Otero can victimize himself and say that everything is a machination of the press. But The simple fact of telling how he manages his businesses refutes this. Within the surprise, another surprise: the article returned for the yes of 21 Peronists, who voted against their bloc. If abstentions and negative votes are added, the article would still be out. Isn’t that what the government would have wanted? And others? How many oterists are there?
What will it be like, now what do I do to get away, having exhausted the Lousteau subterfuge of fingers at half-mast? that Manes abstained again but attended to a deputy who was feeling ill. Manes is a neurologist, but he was surrounded by several non-medical deputies who took advantage of the move and abstained.
And the CGT appears ubaldinizing with remarkable speed, as if waking up from the complicit lethargy with Fernández’s salaries always going down and Massa’s money plans, always going up, inflating then and further forward, towards now.
The Base Law does not affect any of its fifths. It does not touch Social Works, which is the big box that the unions manage. It does not touch on agreements, many governed by outdated regulations that contribute nothing to productivity, something that almost everyone takes into account. And it does not touch the regime of union personality, a very Argentine peculiarity for which the government gives identity cards to unions as sole negotiators in joint negotiations.
Can Milei celebrate that he has not managed to incorporate education into essential services, so that Will schools continue to close when teachers go on strike? Yes, it remains to celebrate that the law will complicate life for the mafias that make money from the crab industry of labor trials and their fines, or that SMEs can hire staff with a little more peace of mind. Coming from so much hindrance, it could be argued that it is not small.
Caputo and Pichetto were the active negotiators on these issues with the union members, with whom negotiating is never easy. They continued later but the strike spoiled the meeting agreed for Thursday. There is a culture that leads the CGT to resolve strikes that do not solve anything. They did not make any strikes against Kirchnerism and they can make two strikes against Milei in five months. And the reason? It will remain for the endless history of hypocrisy.
Let’s move on to the prepaid section with other more disturbing questions: How many subsidies did they have during the Fernández government? We do not count them, because we do not know if The ones we know are all of them. They started 2020 with the pandemic and ATPs to pay salaries. They were to benefit only sanatoriums and hospitals. But the prepaid Swiss Medical, from Belocopitt, pocketed those subsidies, although it provided almost no services. The official figure says that received 13 million dollars. Coincidence?: At the beginning of 2021 Belocopitt went shopping and ended up with the Cardiovascular Institute of Buenos Aires.
From January 2021 to November 2021, Repro 2, Productive Recovery and Sustainment Program, was distributed for companies in critical situations. We know that in a critical situation there are companies in a permanent situation. Did anyone remember?
From March 2022 to November: subsidy for (private) health establishments associated with Repro 2. From this, and from what is now revealed, Belocopitt companies would have received something like a billion, this time, pesos. These programs were, during the electoral season, under the tutelage of Massa, more than close to Belocopitt. They were subsidies in exchange for you not increasing or slightly increasing my fees, since I am in a campaign.
With the same logic, in 2023 the FESCAS arrived. And at the end of the year the subsidy exploded. Massa invented something else: the Health Cost Index, which set a 6.6% increase for prepaid bills in January 2024 and 15% in February. But Milei won, he said increase and someone said: “Let’s take advantage of the fact that this falls before April.” 6.6% went to 40.5 from Galen, 40.8 from Omint, 44 from Medicus (Belocopitt) and 40 from Swiss Medical. Now we are paying for that free-for-all.
It’s not for nothing that we are the way we are. Sometimes politics seems to be reduced to producing provocative phrases while everything remains too much the same. We came from a diver’s fart and landed on a clean ass that doesn’t need any saving Supreme Court. This last phrase from Milei is striking and appealing, and easy to leave her conscience at ease. But associating with Lorenzetti thinking that no one realizes that the president is looking for him is simple, clearly, his majority on the Court, it could also be about another own overestimation, with something or a lot of underestimation from others. It cannot be said that we are few, but we do know each other.
