Victoria Villarruel rushes a key session, Peronists without a boss and election of stars in the City

The ruling party will resolve this Monday afternoon if you already have the votes assured for the Upper House to approve the Basic and Tax Reform Law projects, as well as to advance the session to this Thursday. They already have a majority opinion, and if the vote count allows it, Victoria Villarruel will call the session for Thursday or Friday of this week.

Until the weekend that passed, that call was held up waiting to confirm the adhesions. “We go to the session to win, not to lose”, Bartolo Abdala, provisional president of the chamber, was heard, who will decide together with the vice president when to go to the premises. He will decide the end of the negotiations with senators who object to some clauses of the majority ruling.

As the necessary signatures are, although with a record number of dissents, The manual would say that it is best to do the session as soon as possible. Having a majority opinion burns the hands of those who get it: every hour that passes, new objections are added and the negotiation is more expensive every day. These supports expire in a short time, so if you have a ruling, send it to the venue as soon as possible. Don’t give time to betrayal.

The points of dissent are negotiated in these hours. This is a very balkanized Senate, in which the identity of the blocks does not have the necessary strength to make commitments. It is negotiated senator by senator. Each of them has more individual power than their block or their party.

He weakest chapter of the project is the replacement of wage tax. The provincial senators of the high-salary club, like those of the Patagonia, they don’t want it to reach them. They charge very high salaries by the type of activity and also have benefits for unfavorable areas and others “perks”. They are oil workers, truck drivers, construction, mining. All profitable industries that pay well.

The northern provinceshowever, where salaries are lower and state employment prevails, they want the reinstatement of the salary tax because it is a co-participating tax. The previous government eliminated it, as a campaign flag to improve the chances of its candidates. If their legislators now replace that tax, they will improve the treasury, like the Nation, which takes another portion in the distribution.

The ruling party hopes that the debate in particular will allow it to impose a clause to leave the Patagonians in a bubble. The formula would be to give a delegation to the Executive branch to dictate an exception to certain activities, regardless of where they are carried out. According to those responsible for this negotiation, there is jurisprudence from the Supreme Court that rejects a distinction of citizens by territory.

One of the negotiators admitted that this chapter is the weakest in the Senate’s ruling. “We can lose it in the Senate, but we can recover it in the House of Representatives”he confided, “if the chamber insists on the original wording.”

To the governors of mining provinces have already been granted an increase of the royalties they can collect. But even with this improvement, the ruling party is not sure that it will be easy to get the vote in Deputies. The Government, through Guillermo Francos, risked last Thursday the commitment that Deputies will approve everything that the Senate changed, and that Javier Milei will not veto anything that remains in the law.

Another tortuous procedure for the Government is the list of state companies in conditions of privatization. Aerolíneas Argentinas is still in the lead and so far it does not seem to have the votes for it to pass. The senator Juan Carlos Romero He tried to impose, without success, that the word “partial” be added. Even so, he did not manage to convince those who reject this privatization. As a public limited company, it could be declared bankrupt in the event of a possible cessation of payments. “Those who are going to vote believing that they are protecting Airlines are not protecting them,” he said.

The debate about AA has a symbolic ingredient, and for some, irrational. But politics also lives on those things. It is the same case of the Post Office, which could receive the same treatment. Nobody says if anyone is willing to buy a part of AA or the Post Office, but in the privatization of postal services in other countries the same debate was repeated as in Argentina in the ’90s. This business has a certain constitutional status. It is mentioned in art. 4° when he talks about “Postal income” as one of the sources of financing for the national State.

The thickets gain nerve this Tuesday, June 4, with a game of chairs, tunnels, traps, compromises and betrayals. In Deputies there are two sessions called a few hours apart to discuss the issues that the Government would never want on stage: retirement and education mobility.

The first is at 11 in the morning and boasts of having a quorum assured. The summons We do, the Civic Coalition, the UCR and others, to deal with various possible formulas for increasing liabilities. As Peronism has the majority opinion to start the session, it seems to take away the possibilities of the second session, called at 2pm on Tuesday by the Unión por la Patria bloc, to discuss university financing projects and replacement of the FONID (Incentive Fund). Teacher), which the Nation withdrew from the provinces.

How Peronism is interested in retirements You cannot subtract the number from the first session and they will have to resign themselves to having only one session in which they will try to impose the treatment of the issues of the second. It can happen, with pressure from governors, university presidents and the Government itself so that money is not discussed for the sector, because it is something that they are negotiating behind closed doors. It would be a problem if Congress approved something that could be fixed by talking.

Peronism surprised by calling a second session on the same day that the Chamber had set: this June 4. The complaint of many deputies from the UxP bloc was imposed on Germán Martínez, for not proposing its own agenda and for Peronism to end up playing other people’s games, giving a quorum or not to what others do. The schism within the main opposition in Congress is an effect of the leadership crisis in Peronism.

It is not something new, but it worsened with the defeat of 2023. It was evident in the famous vote in the chamber that replaced the tobacco chapter. There were shown a number of deputies who do not want to align themselves with either Christianity (Máximo and his acolytes) or with Massism. This critical group has no leadershipbut spokesmen of strength, who do not miss the opportunity to differentiate themselves from the other two.

A spokesperson is Victoria Tolosa Pazwhich in the tobacco vote was a point of independence of commitments, as the other Peronism in the chamber surely had with some of the groups in that industry, which benefited if that chapter did not appear in the project.

In the last hours there was another sample. The radical deputy Karina Banfi mounts a draft resolution from the chamber for the Government to declare the construction project of the liquefaction plant in Bahía Blanca of interest, promoted by YPF and its Malaysian Petronas partners.

This initiative is also disputed by the Río Negro government to bring it to San Antonio Oeste. It’s an idea that he raised Maria Eugenia Vidal when she was governor and that the current energy crisis has put on the table again. Banfi has the support of the UCR, PRO, Coalition and other blocs. When she asked the UxP block for a signature, they responded that they were going to consult with Axel Kicillof. She was never given answers. But she still added the signatures of Tolosa Paz and the leader of the Banking, Sergio Palazzo.

Tolosa is identified with the remnant albertism and it is the opposition whip on Sandra Pettovello. He pointed out Milei when the Government condemned the increase in deputies’ allowances, but did not report the increases in Executive positions. Palazzo is one of the strong men of unionism and signed the adhesion to the project without consulting with the chiefs of the bloc, Martínez, Máximo or Cecilia Moreau, who exercises control of the residual massismo.

This schism of Peronism is a pending account of the experience of Albertism, which failed to govern and lead the party in last year’s elections. The party went with a formula of metropolitan Peronism, with two ministers from its cabinet. This is how it went.

Peronism is a group of characters in search of an author since Carlos Menem left the stage. It is not enough to replace it that this residual Menemism that is the protagonist of Milei’s government has appeared. The recomposition trials occur in various altarpieces and out of daylight, because Peronism is a bonfire that feeds on human flesh and the nickname of traitor is on everyone’s lips.

The recomposition of any party does not come from the inside out or from the top down. This is demonstrated by Mauricio Macri’s attempts to reset the PRO by deciding on his own who should drive and how. That the mortification at this stage of his political life comes from Patricia Bullrich adds another piece of evidence. He is much more than her, but she overcomes him using the tools he put in her hands..

The democracy of the parties It is built from the bottom up and from the outside in. It is what differentiates the republican vision from the authoritarian vision that cries out for “forces from heaven” as inspiration. The Baron of Münchhausen claimed to have escaped sinking in a swamp by pulling his hair up. Literature.

The attempt to go to Peronism from the outside, but without playing Matheu’s logic – today co-opted by Kicillof and Gildo Insfrán– has another example in Juan Schiaretti and Miguel Pichettowho met again last week, to put another brick in the reconstruction of what was the table of the 4 of Córdoba in the Macri years.

That alternative brought together these leaders, more Sergio Massa, Juan Manuel Urtubey and, as libero, Roberto Lavagna. They were with Florencio Randazzo and the deputy Carlos Gutierrez. They renewed the vows of love and fidelity and reviewed the electoral schedule. Pichetto is a deputy until 2027 and chairs the Hacemos bloc, which is made up of Schiaretti deputies.

It has an attractive challenge for political construction, which is contest the senatorship for CABA: that election will be the most important of next year. It is Mauricio Macri’s district and there are those who are working to make him the candidate himself. Elisa Carrió has already signed up to compete. Martin Lousteau He leaves the chair and will want to compete to keep it.

It is also the district of Horacio Rodríguez Larreta, who is not so alone and waits. It may be his turn to head the list of national deputies for the district that he governed for 16 years with Macri. Schiaretti, in Córdoba, if he wants, can be at the head of the list of candidates for national deputies.

Pichetto seeks to enter Peronism through other flanks. He agreed to go to a dinner with his former advisor Sergio Vargas, today a provincial senator for dissident mileism. The man who made the Milei that we know today was there, Carlos Kikuchialso a provincial senator, and the former deputy Diego Bossiowho was a Schiarettist candidate last year.

The two Buenos Aires legislators are far from Milei today. Are witnesses of the implosion of that force in the Buenos Aires legislature and they know well the anthropology of the current ruling party. They made a sand table, and made diagnoses, and reconstructed the basic elements of Milei’s decision as soon as he won the runoff.

Why did he choose an alliance with Macri and not with Peronism, which helped him so much to reach the top, and to which he asked to leave him some officials? One of them is Guillermo Michel, former Customs, to whom Milei offered to continue in office. Michel is a partner in a study with Vargas, Kikuchi’s fellow student at the Naval High School.