The rejection in the Senate to the clean file law dynamited the bridges between the PRO and the libertarians. “This government defrauded all Argentines,” said Mauricio Macri. The play – described to proscribe Cristina Fernández de Kirchner – became a boomerang that left Pro without flag and without victory. The macrismo bet on a demonstration of strength in its historical bastion to negotiate candidacies in the province of Buenos Aires and on the national lists, but the climbing with the ruling and the fragmentation of the right offer played against him against. “Macri only has damage, which best knows how to manage”, A libertarian deputy anticipated, in the prelude to what the Casa Rosada described as a “PRO operation to save the choice in CABA”: the filtration of an alleged caste agreement between Javier Milei and the missionary leader Carlos Rovira. “Do not let themselves psychopath with the lie of a clean card,” said the president during a campaign act with Manuel Adorni.
The episode exposed the government’s decision to seal a pact with Rovira – the historical missionary cacique – to make the emblem law of macrismo fall and prevent Silvia from having the pine Fast reflexes, Macri hit where he hurts and sowed doubts: “This, suddenly, cannot have passed. The government is solely responsible,” he launched on television. Shortly after, local journalists leaked that it was Milei himself who called Rovira to ask for the negative vote of the missionary senators. The data climbed to national media and Balcarce 50 accused the PRO to assemble the operation.
Once again, the chief of Cabinet, Guillermo Francos, went out to deny the rumors: “News that are ridiculous. Like the last one I have read, that it is a clear operation: that the president would have asked Rovira not to vote for the law. Absolute lie,” he said in Radio Rivadavia. To clear doubts, he added: “The president has no contact with Rovira. He doesn’t even have the phone. I asked and said: ‘I never talked to Rovira. I don’t even have the phone.’ With which, that is a total falsehood.”
In the last hours, an Ad Hoc consultancy report revealed that Clean Card had its peak of digital conversation on Thursday, May 8, with more than 354 thousand mentions in 24 hours. The event even exceeded the presidential veto to the retirement increase and dragged a negativity of 81% towards Milei. The data lit alarms in the Casa Rosada, which usually follows with more attention the thermometer of the networks than the social conflict in the streets. Therefore, they quickly went out to take off from any covenant to protect Cristina. first they held Sergio Massa; Then to Kirchnerism, and finally Milei unloaded his fury against the pro.
The president chose the streaming channel Fuck to overact his anger and avoided questioning the missionary senators who had supposedly betrayed him. “There were not the votes, it was a media operation dyed yellow,” he said in a marathon transmission with Daniel Parisini – “El Gordo Dan” – and Manuel Adorni, which lasted more than six hours. Milei and Parisini boasted of having starred in “the longest interview in history”, which paradoxically occurred in a channel funded by investors linked to missionary power, including Augusto Marini, friend of the Rovira family.
Yesterday afternoon, Milei returned to the load: “Do not let themselves psychopath with the lies of a clean card. 17 years ago they are here and never promoted it,” he repeated in an act next to Adorni. “We have a great challenge: bring the model of freedom to the city, where they do not want to lower public spending. They want the socialist agenda, with universal income and subsidized rates. That is inflation, ”he shouted, visibly exalted.” They did nothing when they were a government because they said they had no legislative majorities, and they had more than us! “, He finished off. The final lunge left no doubt about the target of his attack:” Do not take cheap copies, liars, to whom they want to pursue social networks. “
-The confrontation occurs only ten days after the elections and reopens a key question: what will be the link between the ruling and its allies after May 18, especially in Congress and what impact will have for governance. A libertarian deputy summarized him before Page/12: “Now to wait for the return.” He added: “If something knows how to administer Mauricio Macri, it is damage.” The same source warned that the intensified internal could lead to a rupture of the PRO in deputies, where distrust reigns. The yellow block has 35 legislators, but a dozen responds to Patricia Bullrich and will continue to support the government at any cost. “We could have the first indications with the Investigative Commission,” he said.
The last hours showed a worn macri. The former president publicly assumed an anticipated defeat: “Unfortunately, with this division, she has more to win Santoro than us,” he acknowledged in a television interview, suggesting that the one pressed for the hegemony of space finds him exhausted and without a story. Beside her, Silvia Lospennato – the candidate who agreed to play on a inclined court – tried to maintain the epic: “I have faith.” The scene exposes the void of power that crosses macrismo.
“Kirchnerism or freedom” is the slogan with which freedom progresses seeks to dispute the hegemony of the city. The piece was designed by Tomás Vidal – as a Move agency, where Santiago Caputo forged his career – and resonates as a principle of revelation for Macri, which usually repeats that “the government is wrong as an adversary” when it attacks the Pro. But lOr that Macri interprets how an error is, in reality, one of the pillars of the iron triangle strategy: the battle is against Kirchnerism, because the pro is already considered its own.
In the midst of others, near the candidate Leandro Santoro prefer to be cautious. While most surveys lead, they warn that an eventual fall of Silvia Lospennato could alter the board. “Adorni began to grow, it is a strategic vote,” a consultant who closely follows the Buenos Aires campaign explained to this newspaper. According to his analysis, the candidate of It is now Buenos Aires It faces some leaks towards other opposition vote expressions that, without being majority, could affect the general performance: from Lucía Levi, which channels a progressive agenda with a student base, to Horacio Rodríguez Larreta, without forgetting the dissident Peronists such as Juan Manuel Abal Medina or the Morenista Jorge Kim. “Everything is anti k vote,” synthesizes. Even a great choice in CABA will complicate Peronism in the province of Buenos Aires advances “they will ally as it is.”
Province of Buenos Aires: The mother of battles
“This has greatly complexed the dialogue for an agreement in the province of Buenos Aires. I expected the president to apologize, to say ‘we went wrong’ and that they were going to look responsible. But no,” said the lead leader, sowing doubts about the future of Buenos Aires understanding. In the Casa Rosada, however, they discount that “the agreement is going to be inevitably”, although not in the terms imagined by the former president. “It is Javier Milei’s first half,” Santiago Caputo repeats every time he wants to lower the price to Macri.
From the iron triangle they clarify that “the search for agreements will continue”, but with other interlocutors: Cristian Ritondo, Diego Santilli and Guillermo Montenegro. They don’t need Macri. Pragmatism rules. If libertarians want to make a good choice and face Peronism, they must ally. “The one who divides, loses,” warns a Buenos Aires shipowner, and anticipates that on May 18 the panorama will be reorder. “Peronism and antiperonism can make a couple choice, but the key is not to fragment the offer,” he concludes.
