It is understandable when someone says that “there is no money” and leaves thousands of people without food, or leaves cancer patients to die because there is no money for remedies. If it got to that point, it is assumed in good faith that there is actually no money. But if the same person who left the soup kitchens without food and the sick without medicine, goes on frequent trips with the money that should have gone to the soup kitchens and medicines, then that phrase is translated differently. The president is already part of a caste of privileged people who put themselves above hungry children and cancer patients. It is a sample of the country that he wants with his May Pact.
The cost of moving the presidential plane for the three days that his trip to Spain will last exceeds half a million dollars, not counting the accommodation and other expenses that Milei and a large part of the cabinet of ministers and collaborators who traveled with him will incur in those three days. . A million dollars would have paid for medicines or supplied the soup kitchens for several days. There is no money, but the senior officials’ salaries doubled.
And it was not an official trip. The tour was due to Milei’s narcissism, who could not stop attending a Vox rally, the third force in Spain, referenced in the Franco dictatorship.
The Argentine will be the only leader because the others who were invited, the Italian premier Georgia Meloni and the Prime Minister of Hungary, Viktor Orbán, they gave up due to the inconsequential nature of the meeting for them. And because of the negative consequences that it could bring, since it will be an anti-European Union forum.
The other activity will be for a private business. The president presented in Madrid the book that the Planeta publishing house withdrew from the market and republished due to the lies it had included in its resume.
At the time of departure, his omnibus bill had stalled in Senate committees. Despite the pressure and extortion of legislators and governors, the text is so decisive that it implies the transformation of the country, the inversion of the values on which it was founded; instead of equality, inequality; instead of sovereignty, submission; instead of freedom, protocols of repression.
It was difficult for the speed with which the deputies approved such a complex rule to have allowed them to study it in depth. The deputies of the unofficial party, radicals and pichettistas, were chased away by the presidential feints and raised their hands without knowing what they were approving.
In the Senate they took note. History will not be condescending to those who sign at once as the deputies did. Like the DNU, many of the points violate some basic principles of the Constitution. These are not issues that Congress can decide alone. The norm itself should be rejected and in any case a referendum and a Constituent Assembly called. It is not a rule to take out between roosters and midnight as they did in Deputies because it is so comprehensive that Congress cannot reach it.
The Peronist interbloc of the Senate is four votes short of rejecting the bill. It seems like a minimal distance, but according to the logic of some legislators, this small difference, instead of facilitating rejection, makes the undecided vote of several legislators from provincial forces who prefer ambiguity more expensive. This group is inclined to approve the rule in general, to conform to Milei, and propose some changes when it is discussed in particular. Changing a few points does not change much, because the essence of the law points to a country with few very rich people and an immense majority of poor people.
In Spain Milei declared that “when a country grows, inequality also grows.” What grows in this model is the wealth of a few at the expense of the poverty of the majority. It is the idea of growth that false libertarians have. Milei added that after a while, inequality tends to go down. Which does not happen because for it to decrease there would have to be distributive measures.
The approval of the omnibus law was the extortionate condition that Milei imposed on the like-minded governors and the opportunists to participate in the signing of the May Pact. Without the law approved, the Pact will be moved to another month. On May 25, Milei will go to Córdoba. In the absence of governors, the government discussed the possibility of carrying out the May Pact with the people. A pantomime was thus imagined with an imaginary people who spoke with this imaginative president to agree on the country that excludes the people.
The future of Argentines is resolved in the omnibus law and the May Pact when the planet is moving towards a strong polarization from which it will be very difficult to escape. Losing independence to make decisions in that international framework It would tie the country in the rank of supplier of raw materials to a declining power. It is a colonial rank, not even junior partner.
In this context, the emptying of public education and the defunding of science and technology, which are tools of sovereignty and freedom, are understood. The colony does not need technicians or quality labor because it does not produce the raw materials, the minerals and hydrocarbons, the food that will be taken by transnational companies that for 30 years will have the privilege of not paying taxes.
The attempt to use the budget to divide the university front that mobilized on April 23 toughened the position of universities that were not favored compared to the UBA. The process triggered by the government in its desire to defund and discredit public education caused the apathy towards politics of the majority of students in recent years to be overcome in the face of the danger of not finishing their degrees. In universities, politics is once again discussed beyond militant circles. The government awakened a giant that had been absent from the debate. And the favoritism for the UBA caused deep discomfort in all the others.
When the discomfort in society was felt very strongly due to the increase in the cost of living and especially public transportation, surveys appeared that still assign Milei high support. It does not seem like that was the case, at least in CABA and the province of Buenos Aires, where people’s anger can be heard out loud.
It is not a question of discussing the value of surveys. But the truth is that in that scenario of so much support for the ruling party, the photos that circulated of the Buenos Aires governor, the Peronist and opposition, would have been very difficult. Axel Kicillofwith the radical governor of Santa Fe, Maximiliano Pullaro and with the governor of Chubut, Ignatius towers, which is from the PRO. If those photos are there, it is because there is a climate that supports them above the obstacles that would oppose them from the support of Milei.
From its different party bases, The three governors constitute a new and different generation of politicians. It is likely that Kicillof sought that effect with those photos. There are many messages in those images. One is federal collaboration between the provinces in the face of the arbitrariness of the national government. And another is the political activity of Kicillof who emerges as the strongest alternating figure in the opposition.
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