Hours before orchestrating the operation that ended with 33 people detained for being near Congress when the Senate was voting on the Bases law, Patricia Bullrich made a key designation in it Ministery of security. named director of Information Technology and Communications to Jorge Adolfo Teodoro. The engineer is designated as the proficient that would have erased the telephone numbers of Gerardo Milman’s secretaries when investigating whether there was a connection with the attempt to assassinate Cristina Fernández de Kirchner.
On August 30, 2022, Jorge Abello – advisor to deputy Marcos Cleri – was in the Casablanca confectionery, on the corner of Riobamba and Rivadavia, in front of Congress. There he saw Gerardo Milman with two young women. He heard him say. “When they kill her, I’m on my way to the coast.”
Two days later, Fernando Sabag Montiel arrived with his girlfriend Brenda Uliarte in the Uruguay and Juncal area, where the then vice president lived. When he had her a few meters away from her, Sabag Montiel aimed at her head, but her plan failed. He ended up arrested that night. At 10:36 p.m. on September 1, 2022, Abello sent a message to Cleri telling her what he had heard. On September 23, he appeared before Judge María Eugenia Capuchetti.
The two women I had seen were Carolina Gómez Monaco –former director of the Crime Intelligence School during the Cambiemos government– and Ivana Bohdziewicz, who took the agenda to the PRO deputy. After back and forth, Bohdziewicz appeared in May last year in the Comodoro Py courts to tell how he had deleted his phone.
According to Bohdziewickz, on November 10, 2022, he met at the Scalabrini Ortiz Coffee Shop, two blocks from Santa Fe Avenue, with Gómez Mónaco. She told him that she had been in contact with Milman, who had apparently told her that she had spoken with Bullrich and that she was going to provide them with an expert so that she could see the information that was on her cell phone so that ” will leak.”
That same day, they took the subway to go to Avenida de Mayo 953. There Bullrich had the offices of the Institute of Strategic Security Studies (IEES)his think tank. Upon arriving at the scene, the two women met Milman and the expert. Bohdziewicz did not remember his name. He just said that he used a cane.
According to their calculations, they will have been in the offices on Avenida de Mayo for about four hours – from three to seven in the afternoon. Bohdziewicz said the expert spent more than an hour manipulating his phone until he finally decided to delete it completely. According to her version, she agreed because she feared that photos would be leaked. When the prosecutor’s office asked her if the computer scientist had touched any other phone, she answered yes: Milman’s.
In the case of Gómez Mónaco it was different. She had two cell phones: one in her name and one in her name. She was advised to buy a new one and pretend that the device she had not registered had never existed.
The social leader Juan Grabois was the one who warned that the expert in question would be Jorge Adolfo Teodoro. The role of the technician is not a minor fact because for the CFK complaint he is the one who collaborated to finish obstructing the investigation into the “political” line of the attack.
Teodoro has been working with Bullrich for many years. He already held a similar position during Bullrich’s previous management at the head of the Ministry of Security, when he was director of IT. In the last elections, he was one of the two technology managers appointed by Together for Change (JxC).
The electronic engineer appears as part of the Bullrich IEES team. There he is presented as a consultant with extensive experience in the design, integration and implementation of highly complex ICT projects in both the public and private sectors. It was coincidentally in those offices that Milman’s secretary’s phone was deleted.
The IEES is the successor to the Institute of Argentine Studies in Public Policies (Idear), which Guillermo Yanco, Bullrich’s partner, founded in 2006. In 2016 it mutated to IEES, which was the focus of controversy last year. The Ministry of Justice and Human Rights of the Nation decreed its intervention.
It was after the General Inspection of Justice (IGJ) denounced that it was, in reality, a façade for Bullrich – then a candidate for president – to channel campaign contributions without adhering to what the electoral laws provide. The IGJ investigation began after it was published in different media that Bullrich organized lunches as a way to finance himself.
During the intervention, they had detected that there were seminars that were paid for more than 4,000,000 pesos and that did not even deal with the subject of expertise of the IEES, which was security. Bullrich got the court to suspend the intervention and the scandal soon evaporated.
At the IEES, Bullrich surrounded himself with officials he trusted. The highest authorities are Bullrich and Martín Siracusa, the current secretary of administrative coordination of the Ministry of Security. Siracusa was the official who sent telegrams to unions and social organizations to charge them for operations when there were mobilizations. Within the IEES team is not only Teodoro, but also Carlos Manfroni, Bullrich’s chief of staff in the Ministry of Security. Former columnist of the magazine CouncilManfroni wrote a book with Victoria Villarruel and, in the campaign, said that they were looking for an alternative for those over 70 years of age who were detained for crimes against humanity.
The investigation into Milman’s alleged involvement in the attack against CFK never progressed. Judge Capuchetti sent the section in which Sabag Montiel, Uliarte and Nicolás Carrizo are accused to trial – a process that began this Wednesday in the Retiro courts. The line regarding the intellectual authorship of the attempted assassination remains unclear. Marcos Aldazábal, CFK’s lawyer, denounced in Radio Province that the judge did not comply with the order of the Buenos Aires Federal Court to analyze Milman’s phones after more than half a year.
At the start of the trial, Sabag Montiel had his moment of glory. He responded in detail to the questions of the prosecution, the complaint and even his defense. He seemed especially pleased that interest rested on him. However, he became brief when Aldazábal asked him if he knew or had dealings with Milman or Gómez Mónaco.
